The Intelligence Committee should ensure that the public learns the whole truth about the CIA’s torture program by releasing the entire report with as few redactions as possible, Human Rights Watch said. “The CIA has gone to great lengths to keep the details of its illegal torture program secret for more than a decade,” said Andrea Prasow, senior national security counsel and advocate at Human Rights Watch. “The Senate Intelligence Committee should release the entire report to allow the public to know the full scale of US-sanctioned torture and other abuse.”

The US Senate Intelligence Committee’s vote to declassify part of its report on Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) detention and interrogation is an important first step toward public accounting of torture by the United States, Human Rights Watch said today. The committee on April 3, 2014, voted on a bipartisan basis to declassify the executive summary, findings, and conclusions of its 6,300-page report on the CIA’s post-September 11, 2001 detainee practices.

The Intelligence Committee should ensure that the public learns the whole truth about the CIA’s torture program by releasing the entire report with as few redactions as possible, Human Rights Watch said.

“The CIA has gone to great lengths to keep the details of its illegal torture program secret for more than a decade,” said Andrea Prasow, senior national security counsel and advocate at Human Rights Watch. “The Senate Intelligence Committee should release the entire report to allow the public to know the full scale of US-sanctioned torture and other abuse.”

The report, completed by the Intelligence Committee in December 2012, includes detailed descriptions of each detainee who was in CIA custody, interrogation techniques, detention conditions, and any intelligence gained from the program, according to widespread media reports.

President Barack Obama, on his second full day in office in January 2009, closed the CIA’s secret prisons and ended its detention and interrogation program. He and Attorney General Eric Holder have said that waterboarding, which was a component of the CIA program, is a form of torture. Torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment are unlawful at all times and under all circumstances, Human Rights Watch said.

Various current and former US government officials and lawmakers have sought to justify the CIA program on the grounds that it provided “actionable intelligence” in the “war on terror.” Senator Dianne Feinstein, chair of the Intelligence Committee, has said, however, that the report refutes claims that the use of harsh interrogation techniques resulted in effective intelligence gathering and operations. The report also is said to contest the accuracy of CIA descriptions of the program provided to the president, the Justice Department, Congress, and others, according to Intelligence Committee member Senator Ron Wyden of Oregon, among others.

Declassifying only the executive summary, findings, and conclusions of the report would leave out many details of the CIA program that the Intelligence Committee documented, Human Rights Watch said. This would risk allowing those who carried out the program to continue to distort the facts and mislead the public with inaccurate information about its scope and effectiveness.

The CIA’s reported attempts to obstruct the Intelligence Committee’s investigation also underscore the urgent need for Obama to also declassify with minimal redactions all materials related to the torture program itself. By continuing to keep most details of the program secret, the Obama administration has made it practically impossible for the public to effectively evaluate the actions of the government – particularly the CIA.

“There is simply no legitimate basis for maintaining secrecy about the CIA’s defunct and illegal torture program,” Prasow said. “President Obama should declassify the torture program itself to permit the needed public debate on the issue.” Information about the Illuminati click here

Perhaps most disturbing of all was the fact that the extent of experimentation on human subjects was unknown. The records of all these activities were destroyed in January 1973, at the instruction of then CIA Director Richard Helms. In spite of persistent inquiries by both the Health Subcommittee and the Intelligence Committee, no additional records or information were forthcoming. And no oneno single individual — could be found who remembered the details, not the Director of the CIA, who ordered the documents destroyed, not the official responsible for the program, nor any of his associates. We believed that the record, incomplete as it was, was as complete as it was going to be. Then one individual, through a Freedom of Information request, accomplished what two U.S. Senate committees could not. He spurred the agency into finding additional records pertaining to the CIA's program of experimentation with human subjects. These new records were discovered by the agency in March. Their existence was not made known to the Congress until July.

THE CIA'S PROGRAM OF RESEARCH IN BEHAVIORAL MODIFICATION

Wednesday, August 3, 1977 U.S. Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, and Subcommittee on Health & Scientific Research of the Committee on Human Resources

Following is an excerpt of an opening statement from Sen. Edward Kennedy (D-Mass.).

Senator KENNEDY. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. We are delighted to join together in this very important area of public inquiry and public interest.

Some 2 years ago, the Senate Health Subcommittee heard chilling testimony about the human experimentation activities of the Central Intelligence Agency. The Deputy Director of the CIA revealed that over 30 universities and institutions were involved in an "extensive testing and experimentation" program which included covert drug tests on unwitting citizens "at all social levels, high and low, native Americans and foreign." Several of these tests involved the administration of LSD to "unwitting subjects in social situations."

At least one death, that of Dr. Olsen, resulted from these activities. The Agency itself acknowledged that these tests made little scientific sense. The agents doing the monitoring were not qualified scientific observers. The test subjects were seldom accessible beyond the first hours of the test. In a number of instances, the test subject became ill for hours or days, and effective followup was impossible. Other experiments were equally offensive. For example, heroin addicts were enticed into participating in LSD experiments in order to get a reward-heroin.

Perhaps most disturbing of all was the fact that the extent of experimentation on human subjects was unknown. The records of all these activities were destroyed in January 1973, at the instruction of then CIA Director Richard Helms. In spite of persistent inquiries by both the Health Subcommittee and the Intelligence Committee, no additional records or information were forthcoming. And no oneno single individual — could be found who remembered the details, not the Director of the CIA, who ordered the documents destroyed, not the official responsible for the program, nor any of his associates.

We believed that the record, incomplete as it was, was as complete as it was going to be. Then one individual, through a Freedom of Information request, accomplished what two U.S. Senate committees could not. He spurred the agency into finding additional records pertaining to the CIA's program of experimentation with human subjects. These new records were discovered by the agency in March. Their existence was not made known to the Congress until July.

The records reveal a far more extensive series of experiments than had previously been thought. Eighty-six universities or institutions were involved. NeV instances of unethical behavior were revealed.

The intelligence community of this Nation, which requires a shroud of secrecy in order to operate, has a very sacred trust from the American people. The CIA's program of human experimentation of the fifties and sixties violated that trust. It was violated again on the day the bulk of the agency's records were destroyed in 1973. It is violated each time a responsible official refuses to recollect the details of the program. The best safeguard against abuses in the future is a complete public accounting of the abuses of the past.

I think this is illustrated, as Chairman Inouye pointed out. These are issues, are questions that happened in the fifties and sixties, and go back some 15, 20 years ago, but they are front page news today, as we see in the major newspapers and on the television and in the media of this country; and the reason they are, I think, is because it just continuously begins to trickle out. sort of, month after month, and the best way to put this period behind us, obviously, is to have the full information, and I think that is the desire of Admiral Turner and of the members of this committee.

The Central Intelligence Agency drugged American citizens without their knowledge or consent. It used university facilities and personnel without their knowledge. It funded leading researchers, often without their knowledge.

These institutes, these individuals, have a right to know who they are and how and when they were used. As of today, the Agency itself refuses to declassify the names of those institutions and individuals, quite appropriately, I might say, with regard to the individuals under the Privacy Act. It seems to me to be a fundamental responsibility to notify those individuals or institutions, rather. I think many of them were caught up in an unwitting manner to do research for the Agency. Many researchers, distinguished researchers, some of our most outstanding members of our scientific community, involved in this network, now really do not know whether they were involved or not, and it seems to me that the whole health and climate in terms of our university and our scientific and health facilities are entitled to that response.

So, I intend to do all I can to persuade the Agency to, at the very least, officially inform those institutions and individuals involved.

Two years ago, when these abuses were first revealed, I introduced legislation, with Senator Schweiker and Senator Javits, designed to minimize the potential for any similar abuses in the future. That legislation expanded the jurisdiction of the National Commission on Human Subjects of Biomedical and Behavioral Research to cover all federally funded research involving human subjects. The research initially was just directed toward HEW activities, but this legislation covered DOD as well as the CIA.

This Nation has a biomedical and behavioral research capability second to none. It has had for subjects of HEW funded research for the past 3 years a system for the protection of human subjects of biomedical and behavioral research second to none, and the Human Experimentation Commission has proven its value. Today's hearings and the record already established underscore the need to expand its jurisdiction.

The CIA supported that legislation in 1975, and it passed the Senate unanimously last year. I believe it is needed in order to assure all our people that they will have the degree of protection in.human experimentation that they deserve and have every right to expect.

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